Ecofeminism & the Arab Region – How Climate Change & Conflict Impact Women and Communities

In the Arab world (and most of the globe for that matter) gender inequality, climate change, and conflict are intertwined. On the one hand, the consequences of climate change lead to conflict, social unrest, and political upheaval, leading to the displacement of women. Conflict and unrest hurdles women into spaces of even less resources and more major obstacles towards coping, healing, and survival. On the other hand, conflict in the Arab world exacerbates the effects of climate change, jeopardizing environmental resources such as access to land, agriculture, water, and food security. Amidst heightened environmental stressors and threats, violence towards women is regularly used to exert or reinforce control over natural resources. 

Women are extorted for sex in exchange for land ownership, in areas of little access to water women face harassment and assault while en route to collect supplies, men gaining power from illegal mining and poaching operations assault and exploit women, and the list goes on and on. 


Women’s ability to maintain personal and food security and a decent livelihood is hindered by the environmental pressure and impact of conflict. Discriminatory laws on land ownership, property, and inheritance increase the difficulties that women face in accessing resources. Although many women play an active role in use, distribution, and management of property, male control and ownership is still enforced. Women’s lack of decision-making capacity limits their ability to adapt to and reduce the impact of climate change, especially in rural areas.

Furthermore, increasing drought, irregular rainfall patterns, and the degradation of agricultural land have led to migration from rural to urban areas. Men are usually the ones who migrate, while women are left to run households amidst hazardous environmental and security threats.

While women suffer heavily from the consequences of climate change, which are often exacerbated by conflict, they are rarely able to benefit from the needed adaptation measures, such as increased access to technology, credit, and assets. Climate change and conflict affect women’s access to resources and livelihood, including land access, agricultural activities, food security, and water access. Lack of access to land in settings of conflict and natural disaster make women more likely to fall into poverty. 

In the Arab region, women are estimated to own less than 5 percent of assets, while they head 40 percent of households in conflict settings.

Land is the basis for sustainable food production and for guaranteeing adequate food intake for all household members—data show that children are better nourished when women can decide what to feed them. Land is necessary to secure access to agricultural crops, metals, and minerals. Land ownership can ensure that women obtain credits and loans, and ways to transform raw material into marketable products.

The Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) states that, in the region, Bahrain and Kuwait rank highest in the indicator pertaining to having laws that ensure the same rights to own, use, and control land for men and women. Sudan ranks the lowest in the SIGI indicator, for it does not have any laws guaranteeing land rights to women. The other Arab countries score a 0.5 in the SIGI index—they all have laws guaranteeing the same rights to own, use, and control for men and women, but the customary, traditional, and religious norms that discriminate against women often overrule these laws.

Furthermore, conflicts and natural disaster can impede women’s employment in the agricultural sector. 


In the Middle East, women make up about 50 percent of the agricultural labor force. The income gap between men and women is significant in the Arab region and reaches 21 per cent in countries like Lebanon. Closing the gender gap in agriculture would increase food production and reduce the number of people living in hunger worldwide by 100-150 million.

Reduced income and employment opportunities in agriculture sometimes increase rural-to-urban migration in places like Egypt, Lebanon, Morocco, Syria, and Tunisia. Conflict and natural disaster have decreased women’s participation in agriculture in places like Palestine, Syria, and Yemen. In Palestine, female employment in agriculture decreased from 31.9 per cent in 1999 to 21.4 per cent in 2010. In Syria, the percentage of women in agriculture decreased from 50.2 per cent in 1999 to 20.2 per cent in 2011. Yemen experienced the largest decrease in female employment in agriculture, falling from 87.8 per cent in 1999 to only 28 per cent in 2010.

Women are also responsible for small livestock production, and they make up around two thirds of the world’s livestock keepers. Women take care of poultry and dairy animals, selling eggs and producing dairy products. In settings of conflict and natural disaster, women bear the consequences of losses and damages, as those income-generating activities are compromised. High rates of killings, theft, or diseases take place among livestock in times of resource scarcity due to conflict and natural disaster.

In the event of losses of crops and livestock, women and families’ wellbeing is compromised, and poverty and malnourishment increases. In times of scarcity, women also tend to resort to forest products such as fruits, nuts, or mushrooms in search of food security.

Climate change contributes to widening gender gaps with respect to livestock, fertilizers, equipment, human resources, education, and other institutional resources. Farms run by households headed by females are particularly affected by climate change because of their small size and the limited number of family members who are available to work on the farm. Such households tend to be very poor, as the large amount of unpaid work undertaken by women reduces the time that could be allocated for paid activities.

Conflicts and natural disasters also affect the four elements of food security: availability, stability, utilization, and access to food products. Food availability refers to the domestic production or purchase of sufficient food products to meet nutrition requirements. Food stability refers to the permanent access to adequate food and other livelihood assets. In times of conflict and natural disaster, data show that women reduce their food intake to feed other family members, which can have serious consequences for their health.

Food stability refers to how food products are used and treated in the process of food preparation. Because women are usually responsible for food utilization, they play a vital role in ensuring adequate food preparation to avoid illnesses. Diseases can result from pollution, which tends to be a problem in conflict settings, or from climate disasters such as floods, which can cause malaria or cholera. Food access refers to the ability to produce and sell food products and to use them for self-nutrition purposes. Gender imbalances and hierarchies can hinder women’s access to food.

In conflict-stricken countries in the Arab region, food security rates are low. As of 2015, Syria, Yemen, and Sudan registered the lowest scores on the Global Food Security Index (GFSI), at 40.6 per cent, 37.3 per cent, and 36.5 per cent, respectively. More stable countries such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates scored 72.8 per cent and 75.6 per cent respectively in 2015.

Women’s health is more likely to suffer due to conflict or climate change. Illnesses such as malnutrition, anemia, and malaria particularly affect women, especially if pregnant or breastfeeding. In Yemen, Sudan, and Iraq, 36 per cent, 34 per cent, and 31 percent of women suffer from anemia, respectively.


Another serious issue impacting women’s health and livelihood in the Arab region is clean water access. In 2014, 18 Arab countries had a rate of average water availability lower than 1,000 cubic meters per capita per year, which represents the water poverty line. 13 out of 18 of those countries had a rate of water availability per capita per year lower than 500 cubic meters, which represents the severe water scarcity line established by the World Health Organization.

In settings of conflict and climate disasters, access to and availability of water is compromised, as damage is often inflicted upon water resources and infrastructure. Conflicts, including threats posed by fighting and landmines, hinder the operation and maintenance of water facilities.

Throughout 2012-2013, 118 water and sanitation facilities were destroyed in Palestine. In Palestine, around 200,000 rural dwellers in the West Bank are not connected to a water network due to conflict as well as limited rainfall and drought—water scarcity causes heightened water prices, hinders agricultural activities, and endangers livelihoods. Increases in population density due to conflict and climate pressures strain the already compromised water resources, especially in Gaza, Sudan, and Yemen.

Women, who are often responsible for water collection, are disproportionately affected by the impact of conflict and climate events on access to water, especially in rural areas. Amidst water scarcity, women and girls must travel long distances to collect water and are subject to sexual violence and other threats to their safety. The lack of safe and private sanitation facilities exposes women to violence. This is especially true for refugee women in Iraq and Palestine whose only access to sanitation is restricted to camps where water shortages are common.

Women are often placed in dangerous situations when access to water is unavailable and their land rights are compromised—women’s ability to care for their families is threatened by reduced agriculture and livestock production due to lack of access to water. Rural, poor women who depend on shared water resources can often struggle to secure water for their families, increasing exposure to diseases. For instance, cholera and diarrhea outbreaks in Iraq mainly affect women and girls.

Women are at the intersection between climate change and conflict, the impacts of which are mutually reinforced. They are the prime managers of natural resources during war and natural disaster, and they register better performance in the management and use of natural resources compared to men. However, women have limited participation in policymaking even though they are at the forefront in the fight against poverty and ensuring standards for food security. Women must be active participants in environmental policymaking to guarantee better management of resources in conflict settings and to promote peace and stability in the Arab region.

A World After Covid-19: Charting a Path for Gender Justice in the Arab Region

There was a recent, critical, event that can be useful in creating a path forward for gender equity and justice in a post-COVID world: Accelerating Gender Justice in the Arab States region: a pathway to achieving the 2030 Agenda post-COVID.

Fadia Kiwan spoke about the context of the economic crisis in Lebanon where women: were the first to be fired since men are considered the “providers of the household,” have suffered under the double burden of working from home and supporting the family and the children, and have been facing increases in violence.

WE NEED: to look at the labor laws and amend them to protect women and provide them with facilities, as well as close the gap between unequal work for men and women at home; to strengthen women’s public affairs roles, where women have weak power; support by women’s NGOs, and gender mainstreaming implementation. The contribution of women in the Agenda of 2030, should focus on social change and gender mainstreaming. We also need to engage men in gender mainstreaming and public policies.

Fatema Barkan spoke on the several challenges in Morocco as the suffering and crisis is ongoing. There have been some steps to support families and women through creating a committee to take quick decisions regarding this support. The decisions involved the private sector because one sector only should not take the fall of the results of COVID-19. It was important to support people in the informal sectors since most of these workers are women. Support cards were provided for people with a focus on women. Social media campaigns focused on supporting women in finding shelters if needed and especially those who suffered from violence. During the lockdown, we were able to develop a national plan that already existed. We developed it and were able to reach a larger number of women: 199,000 women benefited from the support programs.

Shamsa Saleh spoke on the status of the United Arab Emirates. She regards the UAE as one of the best success cases in managing the pandemic. For example, the Minister of Education managed to support women who have children attending online school by sending them paid leave from their work to support their children. Gender equality is extremely important and is included in the long-term plan of the UAE for the next 50 years. They are looking at alternative working ways, especially remote work, to make the pandemic an opportunity. In regards to political participation, there is a 50% quota for women in parliament. All companies and banks are obliged to treat both women and men equally as well. There is a new protection law: a law to protect women and girls and all family members without discrimination. There are nurseries in companies exceeding 50 employees. These are the types of efforts being made.

The UN Women Regional Director Arab States, Susanne Mikhail Eldhagen, shared preliminary research from a UN Women and partners study on Access to Justice Mechanisms for SGBV Cases of Syrian Refugee Women and at-risk population in Lebanon.

Some Findings:

There is a high prevalence of gender-based violence against Syrian Refugee Women in Lebanon, which increased during Covid-19 and the economic crisis. Women are afraid to appeal to state justice services out of fear of arrest or abuse. Even if they decide to come forward, there are limited legal protections, services, and information available.

Syrian refugee women confront social, legal, and structural barriers to the formal justice system, often turning to informal justice mechanisms. Patriarchal socio-cultural expectations expect women to endure abuse and avoid formal justice mechanism, especially in instances of family violence. Lack of legal residency, economic fragility, lack of information about rights, and dependence on perpetrators exacerbate these life threatening issues.

Male-dominated and patriarchal justice structures control women’s choices. Men make up the majority of police and judges. Male leaders with decision making power in refugee communities are men, particularly among Sheikh and Shawish communities.


-Provide proper accountability and supervision of informal justice actors, such as the sheikhs, religious judges. 

-Prioritize funding for sustainable long-term economic empowerment programming targeting refugee survivors of SGBV.

-Increase women’s representation in the justice and the legal system at the national and decentralized level (in line with WPS1325)

-Advocate for more permissive policies on legal stay for refugees, including faster and more affordable residency approval procedures. 

-Scale-up programming that engages men and boys, particularly community and religious leaders to prevent SGBV and change harmful behaviors and attitudes. 

– More female lawyers, which results in more laws focused on gender equality

The panelists gave suggestions on improvements still needed and how to move forward.

Some of which included:

– More follow-up on the work the countries are doing. For example, the database capacities of the hotlines the countries are added to should be improved. 

– Civil society and private sector need to be partners in policymaking. A culture of self-criticism needs to be a pillar in the government’s work in the Arab region. 

– Key objective: help governments achieve the sustainable development goals. 

– Help for governments to achieve Principal SDG 5, and also 4 and 16

– Codifying the international standards for justice and equality before the law

– Reviewing laws with a gender justice approach, looking at states with strong gender justice.

– Allow sexual and reproductive laws to be on the table.

Gender justice is multidimensional. No one left behind is a key principle

COVID has been both a disruptor and accelerator across all industries but has been decelerator for women’s rights, especially in the MENA region. Consequences of the pandemic have been more difficult for the MENA region and we need to address gender justice during the recovery from this pandemic. Women’s participation in the labor force has lowered, women are more susceptible to contracting COVID, and lockdowns have increased violence against women across the board. While representation and awareness are important, action is key.

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Gender-Based Violence & Covid-19: Women in the Arab Region

On Thursday, May 14th, the Arab Institute for Women hosted a webinar, “Covid-19 and Women in the Arab Region.” The talk included Mary Kawar, the director of Tiraz, and Former Jordanian Minister of Planning and International Cooperation and former director at the International Labour Organization, Stephanie Chaban, Regional Advisor on Gender equality for The United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia, and Lina Abirafeh Executive Director of the Arab Institute for Women at the Lebanese American University. The following is a summary of one of the biggest issues discussed during the panel and Q&A: gender-based violence.

Let’s start with the hard facts: violence against women happens everywhere, all the time. In contexts of crisis, this is magnified because emergencies amplify all our pre-existing vulnerabilities – and even create NEW forms of violence. Then, the aftermath of these crises also brings violence – gender-based violence (GBV) does not end when the crisis ends. There is increased global awareness – but that isn’t necessarily leading to action. Cases remain underreported – less than 40% are actually reported. Funding remains scant. Our constant rediscovery of gbv has become exhausting – our mechanisms are weak, territorial, and only spring up in crisis. Efforts against VAW have to become a part of our daily lives, whether we are in a crisis or not. 

What’s unique about this pandemic? 

Firstly – it’s global. What’s happening to women is no longer about “other women, over there” – it’s about all women, everywhere. Women are the world’s caretakers and they risk increased exposure to infection both in their personal and professional capacities.

Domestic Violence 

“Social distancing” (physical distancing) has had a negative impact on women – particularly those already living in situations of violence. ‘Stay at home’ orders assume that home is safe – and we know it is not – although it should be! Why is it that we all face the same job loss, economic difficulties, disruption of routines, social isolation, stress, etc. and yet women have the additional risk of experiencing violence – supposedly at the hands of those who love them?! I have seen this in every single emergency I’ve worked in.

Those already in situations of intimate partner violence are more trapped than ever. Abusers deny women any social interaction with family and friends, including online interactions and therefore access to lifesaving information. New cases are emerging where they didn’t exist before. They cannot seek safety or support – if and where it exists. The police and justice systems de-prioritize GBV during the pandemic, leading to impunity. This is especially relevant in the Arab region where the majority of countries do not criminalize forms of violence against women. 

In Iraq, there are (unsurprising) alarming reports of a rise in intimate partner violence cases perpetrated across the country, especially with increased household tensions. The Anti-Domestic Violence Law in Iraq is not yet endorsed. 

In Palestine, restrictions on movements and services prevent women and girls from accessing essential services, including health, protection, security and justice. The Palestinian Working Women Society alone reported more than 510 calls to GBV hotlines in the span of less than two weeks – including suicide attempts. In terms of responding to the pandemic, Palestinian women’s voices are mostly unheard.

In Libya, women report being afraid to leave their homes – even to health facilities – unless accompanied by a male family member. Essential GBV services are already limited. 46% of respondents of a UN Women survey feared domestic violence would increase during the lockdown.

In Lebanon, online sexual harassment has increased by 180% during the lockdown. Fe-male has launched a new campaign to bring awareness to this issue. Calls to GBV hotlines have doubled in this period. Kafa reports dramatic increases in calls and incidents – listing many of the incidents in their reports. Other than physical abuse, callers report a wide range of emotional and economic abuse, threats of physical and financial abuse, constant surveillance, numerous emotional blackmail methods, and a threat of taking away their children. Female migrant domestic workers in Lebanon are even more vulnerable. Many of them are not getting paid (due to the current economic crises in Lebanon) or being left on the streets with no food or shelter. There have been multiple suicide attempts, and also increased physical and sexual violence as they remain trapped in the homes of their employers. Despite these challenges, Lebanese fear hunger more than the virus, and economic challenges will amplify violence against women for a long time to come.

Economic Burdens, Lack of Resources & Sexual Exploitation

COVID-19 has forced 743 million girls out of school in 185 countries, and it will only exacerbate gender gaps. Closed schools means missed education and missed opportunities – and the chance they never actually go back. Girls face sexual exploitation, unintended pregnancy, increased forced marriage – with parents “offloading” their girls as an additional economic burden. Even increased FGM has been documented. UNFPA estimates that this may result in 2 million additional cases of FGM, and 13 million additional cases of child marriage.

In Syria, female headed households are being further impoverished, with limited access to livelihoods and food security. The majority of those internally displaced in Syria are women. The loss of homes, property, basic services – especially health care – has magnified violence against women. Syria’s ongoing war and fragmentation impede a response to the pandemic and further stretch already scant resources and services.

For Syrian refugees in Lebanon, for instance, reporting on GBV has decreased. This does not mean that there is a decrease in violence but because of their specific lack of access and inability to report, compounded with resentment by host communities that refugees are further stretching their limited resources. This will be further challenged as resources dwindle and Lebanon continues to spiral downward. 

In Yemen, more than 48,000 women could die from complications of pregnancy and childbirth due to severe funding shortages and the possible closure of reproductive health facilities, amidst rising risks posed by COVID-19.

We’re also seeing increases in sexual exploitation and abuse because of economic insecurities, shortages, new dependencies. Sex for food, sex for rent, sex for supplies – all of these things are taking place, even in “quarantine centers”, security checkpoints, health facilities – places where women should be safe. Armed forces, police, officials all are taking advantage of their new power. In quarantine spaces or makeshift health facilities inadequate lighting, over-crowding, and the lack of sex-segregated water, sanitation and hygiene facilities can all increase the risk of violence for women. We saw this during the Ebola epidemic – and we continue to see it now. 

Here you can see UNESCWA’s tracking of stimulus packages and how each country is going about prioritizing its funding. It won’t be enough without targeted attention to women and girls.

For Arab countries and beyond, there are lessons we could learn from the Ebola response in West Africa in 2013-2015. It is undisputed that epidemics leave women and girls especially vulnerable to violence. We saw this during AND AFTER the Ebola outbreak. Women’s groups must be involved in the development and delivery of services, and must actively lead the response. All protective services for women must be classified as lifesaving and essential: hotlines, safe spaces, sexual and reproductive health services, referral pathways, etc. are necessary all the time, and even more important in crisis. 

Requirements & Demands

We will not use the language of “recommendations” because there is no need for polite language. Let’s make our demands CLEAR. 

  1. Everyone – donors, policymakers, implementers, even the private sector – needs to prioritize GBV prevention, response, and risk mitigation. Response services, case management, temporary shelter, urgent medical care, clinical medical care – everything.
  2. Women must continue to have access to sexual and reproductive health care as a continued essential service. There should be no trade off to Covid funding when it comes to keeping women safe.
  3. The Minimum Initial Service Package (MISP) for Sexual and Reproductive Health (SRH) in crisis settings must be implemented. 
  4. Considerations about technological access need to be made. We can learn from other countries and contexts in finding innovative ways to adapt apps etc. for online reporting – some places are using hand signals on video calls to signal distress and tell us they are unsafe. 
  5. Initiatives like cash assistance for survivors and economic empowerment necessary – as both prevention and response. 
  6. We have said this before: all of this needs funding. We need exclusive support for women and girls in all funding appeals. Appeals that are actually met, with funding sent directly to women on the frontlines.
  7. We also need political will beyond rhetoric. 
  8. We need women at all levels of leadership and decision-making for this response and beyond.

We say it in every crisis: this work is lifesaving. We do not need to prove that GBV exists and is happening and has increased – we know this from every crisis. The emergency does not end when the pandemic ends. There is no ‘normal’ to which we will be returning. Can our COVID-19 response actually be more meaningful for women than other responses have been?! I would like to believe so, but present evidence points to the contrary. 

For Arab Women & Girls, The Crisis is Just Beginning

A version of this article was previously published in Aljazeera. 

The current pandemic has had an unprecedented global impact – we are all affected by this collective crisis. And yet, the virus and its aftermath will discriminate more strongly against those who were already marginalised, namely women and girls. In the Arab region, where I now work, women were vulnerable before the crisis. And their crisis is just beginning.

I have spent my career as a humanitarian aid worker in insecure environments around the world, supporting women to mitigate the risks they face in those settings – notably as a result of a more hidden global pandemic, violence against women. Everywhere I have worked – from Afghanistan to Mali to Haiti – women and girls suffer more. It does not matter whether this is due to a conflict, a natural disaster or an epidemic.

Already volatile prior to COVID-19 due to socioeconomic instabilities and protracted humanitarian crises, the Arab region is uniquely affected by this global pandemic, with more than 62.5 million people in need of humanitarian assistance.

In the Arab region, nearly half of the female population of 84 million is not connected to the Internet nor has access to a mobile phone. This, coupled with alarming literacy rates – approximately 67 percent of women and 81 percent of men – means that women are disproportionately unable to access accurate information about the virus to help them prepare, respond and survive.

Amid this crisis, and combined with the continuing conflicts and economic collapse, violence against women is increasing. For many women and girls, being quarantined safely is a luxury. Based on anecdotal evidence and reporting by several Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in Lebanon, under lockdown the number of reported cases of violence against women rose by 100 percent during the month of March. 

Similarly, live-in migrant domestic workers (almost always women) are exposed to unique risks stemming from the nature of their jobs. The travel ban and other restrictions further harm their livelihoods and ability to support family members in their countries of origin. Additionally, they cannot leave the house and are therefore working around the clock often without the right to rest. The abuse they suffer – sexual, physical, psychological, economic – is heightened as a result of the additional stress of deteriorating economic conditions and health risks.

Refugees are another disproportionately affected group. Female refugees, in particular, are no strangers to discrimination. Lack of funding due to the pandemic has compromised their survival. Even more than before, refugees are considered a threat by host communities and are shunned due to fears that the virus will spread through the camps, placing the host country at greater risk.

Women in conflict zones face additional risks during this pandemic. In both Syria and Yemen, the healthcare infrastructure has been decimated by years of armed conflict – with 67 attacks on hospitals in Syria in over a year and constant attacks on health facilities and medical personnel in Yemen.

The informal and community-based nature of women’s work in conflict zones also means an inherent lack of financial stability and access to formal, professional roles in society. In Yemen, at least there is momentum and strong organising for feminist peacebuilding and the inclusion of women in official peace talks and conflict mitigation processes.

The COVID-19 pandemic is expected to result in the loss of 1.7 million jobs in the Arab region, including approximately 700,000 jobs held by women. But female participation in the labour market is already weak, with high unemployment among women reaching 19 percent in 2019, compared with 8 percent for men.

Projections indicate that the informal sector will be particularly impacted by the pandemic. In the Arab region, women perform nearly five times as much unpaid care work as men while approximately 61.8 percent of active women work in the informal sector and will, therefore, suffer disproportionately. 

Women are the majority of the world’s healthcare practitioners and family caretakers, performing unpaid labour and exposing themselves to infection in order to care for a sick child, an elderly family member or a needy member of the community.

In Lebanon, 80 percent of nursing staff are female. More than half of these are now working with reduced salaries and longer hours, rather than being properly compensated and protected. In every emergency I have worked in, women are the ones who know who is in need, what they need and how to get it to them. They are the world’s social safety net.

If women are once again left out of leadership roles in the response to the pandemic, the patriarchal consolidation of power in these areas will have devastating effects on women’s rights, equality and autonomy. This requires a robust feminist response, guaranteeing women’s right to information, to healthcare, to choose. Because when others decide for a woman, she faces discrimination and violence. In short, her own life is at risk.

A feminist response to this pandemic must work to undo rather than magnify oppression and the very systems that place women at higher risks in times of crisis, with the recognition that simply existing as a woman is a form of crisis. Simply, a woman’s right to decide must be at the heart of the response to this pandemic.

Life will undoubtedly be different in the aftermath of the pandemic. And, for the majority of women, their challenges do not end when the crisis is resolved. For women and girls, the crisis is just beginning.

In the Arab region, this presents an opportunity to implement feminist policies and ensure that women’s rights organisations and feminist activists have the tools and resources they need to advocate and act on behalf of women and girls.

Centring women in the response will enable the region to better withstand future shocks. In short, when women lead, we all benefit.

Now is the time to join together with our resources. We at YallaFeminists have started a document to list feminist and women’s resources of countries in the MENA region. We would like it to be a collaborative document, belonging to all of us.

Ideally, this list would include multiple facets by country and subject: 

  • feminist organizations and networks, along with any of their new reports and research projects
  • resources around healthcare and reproductive rights, environmental justice issues, peace building, violence against women, legal aid and human rights protection, economic equality, climate change/justice racial justice, and other intersectional feminist issues
  • resources for funding for projects, organizations, centers, etc

We want to build a stronger, more interconnected network for feminist organizing and advocacy in the MENA region. 

Please contribute here.